Refugee Perspectives in Ireland: Established Residents’ Views
The eruption of violence between Russia and Ukraine has resulted in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. It is estimated that approximately 2 million Ukrainian citizens fled the country within a week of the conflict (Weisser, 2022). The international community has provided immense support for Ukrainian refugees fleeing the conflict. Governments across the world altered immigration rules to facilitate the migration of people seeking refuge. The crisis demonstrates the evolution of interactions between refugees and host nations and the impact of close geographical proximity on attitudes toward immigrants. Specific theories and models have been proposed to explain the relationships between different groups of refugees and how they adapt to the cultural and political elements that define their host nations. A comprehensive assessment of the cultural and legal context is essential to understand how the proposed theoretical frameworks apply to Ireland’s situation. The preferential treatment of one group of refugees over the other reflects the pervasiveness of discrimination and prejudice in Irish society.
Refugees and Immigrants
The theoretical underpinnings for migration research are seldom explored despite the fact that the issue is immensely emotive. FitzGerald and Arar (2018) contend that refugees are often ignored in the development and exploration of immigration theories. The term “refugee” was first used to describe Huguenots who had been expelled from France at the beginning of the seventeenth century (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018, p. 389). The label was subsequently applied to various groups by governments for groups such as White Russians, German Jews, and Armenians as political thought drifted towards the idea that refugees were entitled to specific protections (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). In the years that followed, there was a substantial debate as to whether specific groups of people were to be considered refugees or immigrants. Article 1(A)(2) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees defines them as people who leave their countries of origin for fear of being persecuted because of their race, nationality, or religion (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). The definition places emphasis on the notion of protection from persecution, which has long existed in human history.
Migrants are viewed as individuals who leave their host nations for economic reasons. They are often equipped with documents that allow them safe passage and access to resources in the host nation. There is, however, a significant challenge in navigating the political and economic dichotomy that separates the two groups of individuals (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). This is because it obscures the motivations that drive people’s decisions to leave their host nations. Some nations often apply economic tools to disenfranchise rivals by limiting their ability to access employment opportunities, land, and markets (FitzGerald and Arar, 2018). It is often the case, therefore, that some migrants qualify for refugee status, on account of the conditions that prompted their exit. It is vital that a framework that analyses each of the cases independently is formulated to effectively address the needs of affected populations.
The Ukrainian Crisis
The Ukrainian War has resulted in an influx of refugees in Ireland. The war broke out on the 24th of February 2022, to the dismay of the rest of the world (Rahimi and Talebi, 2022). It is estimated that the number of refugees in the Ireland will exceed 90,000 by March 2023 and rise to 107,000 by June of the same year (Morahan, 2022). A comprehensive analysis of data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees indicated that approximately 61,000 Ukrainian nationals have been assigned PPS numbers (Morahan, 2022). The data reveals that Ireland has received an unprecedented number of refugees, based on the analysis of historical trends. The incoming individuals are offered housing and access to essential services by the government. Most of the refugees have accessed accommodation in Kerry, South West, Galway, and Clare (Morahan, 2022). A majority of the displaced individuals are women and children.
A point to note is that minority groups among the refugees fleeing Ukraine have received differential treatment in host nations. Racism and immigration remain contentious issues in the current global political dispensation (Sambaraju and Minescu, 2019). South Asian and African citizens have faced difficulties leaving the country and gaining admission into host countries (Simar and Stanford 2022). The experiences of Black and Asian Ukrainian citizens demonstrate the systemic devaluation of individuals from ethnic minority populations. Racism remains a significant stumbling block in the face of a humanitarian crisis.
Individuals fleeing Ukraine have received preferential treatment in many countries, including Ireland. For instance, the Ukrainian refugees were allowed to work in the region until March 2024 (Wilson, 2022). People fleeing conflict from other regions of the world are expected to file formal applications for international protection, which often takes years as relevant authorities evaluate each of the cases (Wilson, 2022). Individuals from other war-torn nations have expressed concern at the fact that a specific group of individuals is receiving preferential treatment (Carlsen and Toubøl, 2023). It is worth pointing out that the Irish government has postponed plans to replace Direct Provision because of the pressure to house Ukrainian citizens (Wilson 2022). This means that refugees from other nations have to endure inhumane conditions while the needs of the victims of the Russian conflict with Ukraine are addressed.
The Irish government made special provisions for individuals displaced by the Ukrainian war. It created “The Temporary Protection Directive,” which provides better opportunities for integration compared to Direct Provision (Wilson, 2022). While it is acknowledged that the Irish government has experienced heightened pressure as is the case in Poland and its housing sector, there are calls for equity (Trojanek and Gluszak, 2022). Many have voiced the view that the Irish government should extend favors to all refugees and not just Ukrainian citizens. Non-Ukrainian refugees are frustrated by the fact that they are experiencing inequality and discrimination in a place they thought would offer refuge.
The Legal and Cultural Context
The association between race, immigration, discrimination, and nationality is complex and multifaceted. Discrimination on the basis of race is prohibited in numerous legal statutes across the world, as is the national origin, which refers to an individual’s country of origin (Fennelly and Murphy, 2021). According to Fennelly and Murphy (2021), nationality is defined as an individual’s legal bond of citizenship and is seldom considered grounds for discrimination. This is vital because EU law as currently constituted does not outline prohibitions for nationality-based discrimination, with the exception of EU citizens. A close examination of Ireland’s legal statutes is vital because an individual’s migrant status is a significant source of vulnerability, differential treatment, and marginalization (Fennelly and Murphy, 2021). Fennelly and Murphy (2021) note that while most European states have strong protections against racial discrimination, migration-status-based discrimination is excluded in most legal frameworks. Ireland’s legal environment creates an environment in which discrimination against immigrants prevails.
Refuge and Asylum in Ireland
There are significant variations in the experience of asylum between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Both regions feature different migration management systems, and each has a unique set of challenges. Northern Ireland’s regulations concerning immigration emanate from Westminister (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). However, the region operates outside the UK’s policy of dispersal, which means that asylum seekers gain access to the area either independently, through family reunification programs, or as program refugees (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). Northern Ireland is tasked with managing key aspects that determine local living conditions such as education, health, and housing. It should be noted that there is no evidence of a refugee integration strategy in place. In Northern Ireland, asylum seekers are housed in homes run by the Housing Executive, which are often dilapidated due to increased commercialization (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). As of 2018, there were approximately 700 asylum seekers in Northern Ireland, with the region experiencing an average of between 200 and 300 applications annually (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The immigration problem poses serious challenges to social institutions and policymakers.
Immigration law in the Republic of Ireland is governed by European Union and national directives. Asylum seekers in the region are kept in a direct provision system, meaning that individuals are housed communally and are incapable of living independently (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). It is often the case that desperate people are exposed to dehumanizing conditions as they wait for their applications to get processed. It is worth noting that integration strategies have been ineffective as many displaced people struggle to piece their lives together in a system that is ineffective at addressing their needs.
The direct provision program in Ireland is the primary means through which immigrants are processed upon arrival. Murphy and Vieten (2019) examined elements of integration and their influences on political education and the labor market in a population of second-generation African youth. The researchers noted that barriers to integration such as racism were prominent. Other issues that were identified included prejudice and bureaucratic mistrust in direct provision centers, political rallies, and communities (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The researchers also noted that the economic hardships that plagued Ireland resulted in an increase in racial abuse directed towards minorities owing to the reduced employment opportunities (Murphy and Vieten, 2019). The taxi industry was significantly affected, with African drivers bearing the brunt of the abuse.
The Cultural Context
The complex social and political conditions in Ireland are vital in the contextualization of the refugee and asylum experience. Cultural identity in Northern Ireland in particular is exceedingly complex in view of the fact that nationalism, religion, and politics intersect (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The identities, which have largely been shaped by historical events have resulted in the creation of a deeply divided society. The two broad categories are the Republican-Irish-Catholic community and the Unionist-British-Protestant community (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Decades of sectarian violence and institutional discrimination have facilitated the spread of hate in many regions of Northern Ireland. The country’s history has been characterized by continued violence between Catholics and Protestants. The conflict has impacted schools, neighborhoods, the government, and workplaces.
The complex cultural conditions that characterize Ireland’s society have made it particularly challenging to isolate the problems and social conditions foreign-born minorities experience. In addition, challenges such as differences in languages, cultural practices, and distance from home make acculturation difficult (Zhu, 2022). It is worth noting that discriminatory and racist actions against refugees are the direct result of the ongoing tensions in the region (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The prevalence of negative attitudes and prejudice in Ireland is a recent issue because past conflicts dissuaded people from seeking asylum in the region. The population of foreign-born nationals in Northern Ireland grew from 1% in 2001 to 4.5% in 2011, meaning that for most of the 2000s, the country was racially homogenous (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Ireland’s complicated history and identity issues impact the people’s views on foreign-born individuals.
Theoretical Perspectives
Economic Self-Interest
The economic self-interest theory provides a platform through which the examination of a community’s attitudes to foreign-born individuals can be examined. Early theorists proposed that personal political attitudes are defined by an individual’s determination of whether or not a political action or policy had economic benefits (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Contemporary theorists argue that the aforementioned perspective can be applied to a number of politically charged discussions such as immigration (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The economic self-interest theory posits that a population’s attitudes towards immigrants are a reflection of their narrow and material self-interests (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). Such a view facilitates the application of a variety of factors to forecast attitudes towards immigrants. These include employment, income, occupation, status, and level of education.
In essence, a person’s attitude towards refugees may depend on the individual’s financial state and whether they view the arrival of foreigners as detrimental or beneficial to their economic status. This is evidenced by the fact that economic concerns played a critical role in the adaptation of Syrian refugees in Turkey (Şafak-Ayvazoğlu et al., 2021). In addition, the health needs that refugees face increased pressure on health systems in host countries (Rzymski et al., 2022). Based on the economic self-interest theory, people with lower levels of education and income tend to view immigrants in a negative light.
The economic self-interest theory may not always predict behavior towards refugees. This is because research findings have been mixed, with some studies indicating that low income and unemployment had no impact on immigrant attitudes (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). It is worth considering the fact that while socio-economic status may not impact attitudes, individuals viewed immigrants as a threat when asked about their personal or national economic status. According to Lippard and McNamee (2021), negative attitudes toward immigrants increased when foreign-born individuals accessed social benefits that were largely coveted by the parent nation’s citizens. These include health insurance and other economic welfare attitudes. Therefore, direct competition for resources served to increase the frequency of negative attitudes towards refugees.
Social Exposure
The second theory that has a bearing on the prevalent attitudes towards immigrants in Ireland is the social exposure theory, also referred to as the contact hypothesis. It posits that prolonged contact between members of a group to those external to it fosters the development of positive attitudes towards the latter (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The close connections are demonstrated in relationships with coworkers, close friendships, or schoolmates. According to a review of research studies by Lippard and McNamee (2021) North Ireland citizens demonstrated positive attitudes towards foreign-born individuals when their friendships included immigrants. Lippard and McNamee (2021) also demonstrate that frequent contact with individuals from eastern Europe and other minority groups resulted in the expression of increased tolerance to individuals from the aforementioned groups. The quality of exposure is vital for the development of positive attitudes. It should be noted, however, that Lippard and McNamee (2021) reference a 2014 study that demonstrated how increased contact increased the feelings of prejudice that Spanish residents felt towards Muslims. This demonstrates the value of quality interactions with regard to the development of positive attitudes.
The contact hypothesis could help explain the warmth with which Ukrainian refugees have been received in European nations. According to Pettrachin and Hadj Abdou (2022), the reception of displaced individuals from Ukraine differs significantly from those of individuals from other countries. It is theorized that the nation’s geographic proximity to Europe has aided in the alteration of attitudes, which as demonstrated early, are typically negative. The change in attitude is also evident in the fact that refugee settlement for refugees in Ireland has been hastened, with most receiving housing, travel passes and work passes in record time compared to individuals from other war-torn nations.
Cultural Marginality
Cultural marginality helps contextualize the unique social makeup present in Ireland, and Northern Ireland in particular. The cultural marginality theory suggests that native citizens express positive views about immigrants if their communities have suffered the ravages of systemic oppression or marginalization (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The increase in negative attitudes that have been seen in many parts of Ireland is believed to be the result of the widespread fears of terrorism and the rising rates of immigration experienced in the United Kingdom.
The perceived threat to cultural interests is thought to contribute significantly to the prevalence of negative attitudes toward immigrants. For instance, the continued influx of individuals who do not speak the native language, understand traditional practices, or eat the local food makes residents feel like their way of life is under threat. The concept of ethnic competition has gained immense interest, with researchers demonstrating the prevalence of the perception that the influx of Muslim residents would alter cultural norms and practices in European countries (Lippard and McNamee, 2021). The negativity towards immigrants in the highlighted scenario stems from the belief that foreign-born individuals will refuse to embrace local traditions and beliefs.
Refugee Adaptation Model
The cultural adaptation model explains the factors that contribute to the success of refugee integration. The model is based on the specificity of refugee characteristics and challenges. The first sub-theme in the model proposed by Spanhel et al. (2019) is the stressors and problems faced by refugees. The authors contend that the appreciation of a refugee’s strains and burdens is critical. The specific stressors that the individual experiences are vital to their ability to adapt to a specific environment. It is vital to address health problems while respecting the seriousness of the underlying issues each individual experience (Spanhel et al., 2019). It is also important to exclude all images associated with the individual’s past experiences in their native nation.
Daily habits, socialization, and values are vital elements to consider in the adaptation of refugees. The inclusion of diverging habits in the interventions designed to address refugee needs is immensely beneficial. The use of concrete and vivid descriptions is essential in view of the fact that a number of refugees have low levels of education (Spanhel et al., 2019). The use of simple language helps a majority of individuals overcome challenges associated with assimilation in a different environment. There is a need to recognize differences in the systems of values among displaced individuals.
The disease and treatment concepts of displaced individuals often determine their ability to adapt to new environments. It is often the case that refugees are seldom interested in mental health issues because such topics are considered taboo in most of their cultures (Spanhel et al., 2019). Most refugees often resort to traditional treatments instead of contemporary Western medicine. The divergent views on health and diseases must be integrated into the intervention. The appreciation of the refugee’s views on the management of mental health issues and the inclusion of certain aspects in the treatment intervention improves outcomes. The cultural adaptation model is highlighted in figure 1 below.
Note. The scheme highlights the cultural adaptation model proposed by Spanhel et al. (2019).
The Unified Instrumental Model of Group Conflict
The Unified instrumental model of group conflict emphasizes the techniques through which situational factors may influence each other to impact the treatment of refugees. Elements such as economic instability and ideologies may intersect in ways that result in the differential treatment of immigrants. As a result, the people’s willingness to offer aid is a reflection of stereotypes and attitudes as well as the labels applied to describe the vulnerable group. According to Weisser (2022), refugees are more likely to receive dependency-oriented help as opposed to economic migrants. This form of aid provides limited opportunities for autonomous problem resolution.
Conclusion
The attitude populations have towards immigrants and refugees is determined by a variety of factors. It is evident that an individual’s determination of whether or not a political action or policy had economic benefits defines their attitude towards foreign-born individuals. The preferential treatment of the Ukrainian refugees can be explained by two key theoretical viewpoints. Firstly, extended contact between immigrants and the nation’s citizens facilitates the development of positive attitudes towards the former. Secondly, citizens often express positive attitudes towards refugees if their communities have experienced the difficulties of systemic oppression and marginalization. It is vital to understand the impact of a community’s political and cultural context when devising policies that best address the needs of all individuals fleeing war and economic hardships in their native countries.
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